Questions Witnesses At Hearing On Threats To Homeland...

Points from Chairman McCaul Questions Witnesses at Hearing on Threats to Homeland Security With this being a small section of the overall interview a lot was played to the bear of reality of how much still needs to be learned. With the point about our nation, intellectual property, cyber warfare, and attacks on financial institutions. This was a video recording from 2013 about situations happening during that time. Not being able to see into the future of what would happen what still needs to be learned and what has worked. With the point on Sharing information back and forth with the private sector how dose one side or the other make this workable without stepping on others feet so to say. The 1st hurdle would be forming trust between†¦show more content†¦So to successfully get the information off of a device involved in a terror attack we will inevitably arrive at this point again. We will always need to protect our boarders of this country from attack whether big or small. The point in the interview was about how do you shore up the boarders without closing them. It was brought up about the limited resources and using more of a collaborated response with government resources already working the areas. This would include the US Customs and Border Protection, Coast Guard that can be operated under the US Navy during war times and Homeland security during piece times, and the Navy. These resources are to be allocated by the risk perceived in certain areas that could change based on information. One of our biggest challenges is to keep America open and stop people that want to inflict harm to it from getting in. With this being done it was also mentioned, we should still look to other resources that are able to assist like all ocean ports to share information on what vessels are carrying and where they are headed. This also needs to be moved internationally to help identify questionable ships before getting to a United States port. How to deal with cyber attacks and hacking of public and private sector information. This seems to be on the side burner since this video. We have had an almost monthly hack into some so called safe citizen information. So like it was mentioned in theShow MoreRelatedSSD2 Module 2 Notes Essay23331 Words   |  94 PagesWithin the policy, the director wrote the following: Protecting our Nation, preventing future conflicts, and prevailing against adversaries require that the US Armed Forces sustain and extend their qualitative advantage against a very diverse set of threats and adversary capabilities. Maintaining our qualitative advantage begins with improving education programs across the Services. Our overarching goal is to educate and train the right person for the right task at the right time. We cannot wait untilRead MoreAliens : An Alien Who Arrives At The Nation s Borders7568 Words   |  31 PagesI Questions Presented 8 U.S.C. 1225(b), states that an inadmissible alien who arrives at the Nation’s borders may be subjected to detention and removal proceedings, without a bond hearing. Section 1226 (c) states, that an immigration judge or officer may detain terrorist or criminal aliens, without a bond hearing if there is suspicion that the alien has engaged in such activity. Under section 1226 (a), of the statute, if an alien demonstrates that he or she is not a danger or flight risk to theRead MoreThe Connection Between Psychotropic Drugs And Criminal Justice5455 Words   |  22 Pageshealth facility be a better option for these individuals, can they receive the rehabilitation and treatment needed in a mental health facility? What happens to these individuals once they are placed in these facilities? There are a thousand and one questions that must be answered before a mentally unstable or mentally ill individual is placed in any type of correctional institution. There are also laws that protect the mentally ill from being placed into certain institutions within the correction systemRead MoreEssay on A Conspiracy Phenomenon: Alien Abductions in the U.S.2997 Words   |  12 Pagesfamiliar parts of conspiracy culture in America. Aliens and related conspiracy theories have a symbiotic relationship to American culture; the interest begins in natural human hopes and fears, which inspires a literature, which encourages alleged witnesses to validate the stories. Next there are calls for an explanation of these strange occurrences so conspiracy theorists drive the stories deeper into American culture, involving other aspects, such as major religions and government. In turn, popularRead MoreThe Impact Of Black Friday On American Symbols, Values And Interests6556 Words   |  27 Pagesthey represented â€Å"acts of war† against the United States—and to a large extent, the attacks were â€Å"acts of war,† indeed. According to many critics, these attacks were â€Å"unprecedented† in American history in that they presented a direct, potential threat to the American territory. The gravity of the event was manifest not only in terms of the scale of the attacks, but also in terms of the â€Å"direction in which the guns were pointed.† As Chomsky explains [t]he last time the national territory of theRead Moretheme of alienation n no where man by kamala markandeya23279 Words   |  94 Pagesunwilling to use force to curb any threat to the state. He brands Polynices a traitor to the state and refuses to give him a decent burial. In this scene Creon portrays himself as a just and noble ruler, who is willing to go to any extent to protect the state. In acceptance of Creon’s edict, the Chorus asks, â€Å"Who is so fond as to be in love with death?† This rhetorical question underscores the absolute authority of the king. Creon’s speech appears to be a veiled threat to the elders. He does not wantRead MoreNfpa 100630569 Words   |  123 PagesQual VL to Professional Qualifications System Management David K. Nelson, David K. Nelson Consultants, CA [SE] Rep. TC on Wildfire Suppression Pro Qual VL to Professional Qualifications System Management William E. Peterson, U.S. Department of Homeland Security, TX [M] Rep. International Fire Service Training Association Frederick W. Piechota, Jr., National Board on Fire Service Professional Qualifications, MA [E] Richard Powell, Michigan Association of Fire Chiefs, MI [L] Rep. TC on Accreditation Read MoreNfpa 100630576 Words   |  123 PagesQual VL to Professional Qualifications System Management David K. Nelson, David K. Nelson Consultants, CA [SE] Rep. TC on Wildfire Suppression Pro Qual VL to Professional Qualifications System Management William E. Peterson, U.S. Department of Homeland Security, TX [M] Rep. International Fire Service Training Assoc iation Frederick W. Piechota, Jr., National Board on Fire Service Professional Qualifications, MA [E] Richard Powell, Michigan Association of Fire Chiefs, MI [L] Rep. TC on Accreditation Read MoreFundamentals of Hrm263904 Words   |  1056 PagesOrganizations Involve Employees 20 Employee Involvement Implications for HRM 20 Other HRM Challenges 21 Recession 21 Off Shoring 21 Mergers 22 A Look at Ethics 22 Summary 23 Demonstrating Comprehension: Questions for Review 24 Key Terms 24 HRM Workshop 25 Linking Concepts to Practice: Discussion Questions 25 Developing Diagnostic and Analytical Skills 25 Case 1: Work/Life Balance at Baxter 25 Working with a Team: Understanding Diversity Issues 25 Learning an HRM Skill: Guidelines for Acting EthicallyRead MoreManaging Information Technology (7th Edition)239873 Words   |  960 PagesSoftware Packages 390 IT Project Management 410 PART IV The Information Management System Chapter 12 Chapter 13 Chapter 14 Chapter 15 517 Planning Information Systems Resources 519 Leading the Information Systems Function 536 Information Security 561 Social, Ethical, and Legal Issues 575 Glossary 668 Index 691 iii This page intentionally left blank CONTENTS Preface xvii Chapter 1 Managing IT in a Digital World 1 Recent Information Technology Trends 2 Computer

The Battle for the Campaign Agenda in Britain Free Essays

string(67) " to the party leadership, and from amateurs towards professionals\." The 1997 election was a struggle, not just for votes, but also to control the campaign agenda. Significant, but contradictory, challenges faced the media, parties and the public. For journalists, the problem was how to engender any zip into the campaign. We will write a custom essay sample on The Battle for the Campaign Agenda in Britain or any similar topic only for you Order Now Ever since Black Wednesday, in September 1992, Labour had seemed assured of victory while Conservative support floundered in the doldrums. For five years, perhaps it just seemed like longer, pundits had been writing of the end of the Conservative era, bolstered by all the accumulated evidence from opinion polls, by-elections and local elections. By the start of the six-week official campaign, the horse-race story was almost lifeless. Moreover, to the dismay of leader-writers, commentators and columnists, Blair’s strategic shift towards the centre-left had removed much of the drama of serious policy conflicts between the major parties. Few issues remained where one could discern clear blue water between Labour and the Conservatives – devolution and constitutional reform, perhaps the faint ghost of trade union rights and spending priorities – but on so much the contest was a classic case of an echo not a choice. Lastly, at the outset the campaign promised tight party control, in as gaffe-free an environment as could be humanly managed. At the start the Labour party seemed insecure and sweaty despite its enormous lead in the polls, and the professional andelson machine at Millbank Tower left almost nothing to chance, as though the souffle of support might suddenly collapse. Based on their formidable track-record during the 1980s, the Conservatives had a reputation for running highly professional campaigns. Given the palpable sense of public boredom and impatience, a feeling of oh-do-lets-get-on-with-it, the challenge for journalists was to find something fresh and interesting to hold the attention of their readers and viewers. During the six week campaign there was, on average, about ten hours of regular BBC and ITN television news and current affairs programmes every weekday1, not including election specials, nor Sky News, CNN, Radio 4, Five Live, newspapers and magazines, the internet election web pages, and all the other plethora of media outlets. Something had to fill the ravenous news hole. For the public, the primary urge seemed to be to get it all over with. But voters also needed to make sense of the choice before them, when policy differences between the parties had shaded from the red-and-blue days of Thatcher v. Foot to a middle of the road wishy-washy mauve. Many issues confronting voters were complex, technical and subtle, with no easy answers: what will happen to the economy if Britain enters, or stays out, of the ERM? How can the peace process move ahead in Northern Ireland, given the intractability of all sides? Can Britain afford an effective and comprehensive health service, given ever-increasing demands on the system and spending limits accepted by all parties? These, and related, issues facing Britain have critical consequences for the lives of citizens, but they admit of no simple sound-bite panaceas. The needs of the news media and the public were at odds with those of the parties. Given their lead, the primary challenge for Labour was to manage their media environment against unexpected crises, in play-safe reactive mode. The watchword was control. Memories of the polling fiasco in 1992, and Neil Kinnock’s false expectation of victory in that campaign (â€Å"We’re allright! â€Å"), dominated strategy in 1997. The challenge for the Conservatives was to staunch grassroots morale, and even build momentum, by emphasising the positive economic performance of the government, by reassuring voters to trust Prime Minister John Major against the inexperienced and unknown Tony Blair, and by attacking Labour on the old bugaboos of taxes and trade unions. To gain traction the Conservatives had to take more risks than Labour. The challenge facing all the minor parties, but particularly the Liberal Democrats, was to avoid being squeezed by Labour’s smothering slither centre-left. Who won? The aim of this chapter is to examine this battle and evaluate the outcome. The first section sets out the long-term context by considering how campaigning has been transformed in the post-war era. The 1997 election represented another critical step, it can be argued, in the transition to the post-modern campaign in Britain, — characterised by partisan dealignment in the press, growing fragmentation in the electronic media, and strategic communications in parties. The second section goes on to analyse what was covered in the national press and television during the campaign, and whether this suggests Labour won the battle of the campaign agenda, as well as the election. Lastly, we consider how the public reacted to the coverage, whether they felt that journalists generated interesting, fair and informative coverage, and the implications of this analysis for the struggle over campaign communications. The Evolution of the Post-Modern Campaign Modernisation theory suggests that during the post-war era the political communication process has been transformed by the decline of direct linkages between citizens and parties, and the rise of mediated relationships. Swanson and Mancini argue that similar, although not identical, developments are recognisable across industrialised democracies2. In the earliest stage, the premodern campaign in Britain was characterised by the predominance of the partisan press; a loose organizational network of grassroots party volunteers in local constituencies; and a short, ad-hoc national campaign run by the party leader with a few close advisers. This period of campaigning gradually evolved in the mid-nineteenth century following the development of mass party organizations registering and mobilising the newly enfranchised electorate. Despite the introduction of wireless broadcasting in 1922, this pattern was maintained in largely identifiable form until the late fifties3. The critical watershed came in 1959, with the first television coverage of a British general election, symbolising the transition to the next stage. The evolution of the modern campaign was marked by a shift in the central location of election communications, from newspapers towards television, from the constituency grassroots to the party leadership, and from amateurs towards professionals. You read "The Battle for the Campaign Agenda in Britain" in category "Essay examples" The press entered an era of long-term decline: circulation of national newspapers peaked in the late fifties and sales have subsequently dropped by one-third (see Figure 1). The fall was sharpest among tabloids, pushing these further downmarket in the search for readers4. This fierce competition transformed the nature of the British press, producing growing sensationalism, and more journalism with attitude, while changes in ownership ratcheted the partisan balance further in the Conservative direction. One major factor contributing towards declining circulation was the rise of television. The political effects of this new technology were strongly mediated by the regulations governing broadcasting in each country. In Britain the legal framework for the BBC/ITV duopoly was suffused by a strong public service ethos which required broadcasters to maintain ‘party balance’ and impartiality in news coverage, to ‘inform, educate and entertain’ according to high standards, and to provide an agreed allocation of unpaid airtime to arty political broadcasts5. Within this familiar context, television centralised the campaign, and thereby increased the influence of the party leaders: what appeared on BBC1’s flagship 9 O’clock News and ITN’s News at Ten, and related news and current affairs studios, was the principle means by which politicians reached the vast majority of voters. To work effectively within this environment parties developed a coordinated national campaign with professional communications by specialists skilled in advertising, marketing, and polling. The ‘long campaign’ in the year or so before polling day became as important strategically as the short ‘official’ campaign. These changes did not occur overnight, nor did they displace grassroots constituency activity, as the timeless ritual of canvassing and leafletting continued. A few trusted experts in polling and political marketing became influential during the campaign in each party, such as Maurice Saatchi, Tim Bell and Gordon Reece in Conservative Central Office, but this role remained as part-time outside advisors, not integral to the process of government, nor even to campaigning which was still run by politicians. Unlike in the United States, no political marketing industry developed, in large part because the only major clients were the Labour and Conservative party leaderships: the minor parties had limited resources, while parliamentary candidates ran retail campaigns based on shoe-leather and grassroots helpers. But the net effect of television during the era of modernisation was to shift the primary focus of the campaign from the ad-hoccery of unpaid volunteers and local candidates towards the central party leadership flanked by paid, although not necessarily full-time, professionals6. Lastly in the late twentieth century Britain seems to have been experiencing the rise of the post-modern campaign, although there remains room for dispute in the interpretation of the central features of this development and its consequences. The most identifiable characteristics, evident in the 1997 campaign, include the emergence of a more autonomous, and less partisan, press following its own ‘media logic’; the growing fragmentation and diversification of electronic media outlets, programmes and audiences; and, in reaction to these developments, the attempt by parties to reassert control through strategic communications and media management during the permanent campaign. Partisan Dealignment in the Press In the post-war period parties have had long-standing and stable links with the press. In 1945 there was a rough partisan balance with about 6. 7 million readers of pro-Conservative papers and 4. 4 million readers of pro-Labour papers. This balance shifted decisively in the early 1970s, with the transformation of the left-leaning Daily Herald into the pro-Conservative Sun, and the more aggressively right-wing tone of The Times, both under Rupert Murdoch’s ownership. By 1992 the cards had become overwhelmingly stacked against the left, since the circulation of the Conservative-leaning press had risen to about 8. 7 million compared with only 3. million for Labour-leaning papers (see Figure 1). Throughout the 1980s Mrs Thatcher could campaign assured of a largely sympathetic press, which provided a loyal platform to get her message across7. One of the most striking developments of recent years has been the crumbling of these traditional press-party loyalties. The evidence comes partly from editorial policy. The Conservative press had started to turn against Mrs Thatcher in 1989-90, when the economy was in recession and her leadership became deeply unpopular, and this constant barrage of criticism probably contributed towards her eventual demise8. During the 1992 election, while the Sun and the Daily Express continued to beat the Tory drum, comment from some of the other pro-Conservative press like the Mail and The Sunday Times was more muted, and four out of eleven daily papers failed to endorse a single party9. The new government enjoyed a brief respite on returning to office but press criticism of John Major’s leadership deepened following the ERM debacle on 16th September 1992, with only the Daily Express staying loyal. Journalists continued to highlight the government’s difficulties over Europe, and internal splits over the debate on the Maastricht Treaty. By the winter of 1993, a succession of scandals involving Conservative politicians created headline news while editorials regularly denunciated the government, and particularly the Prime Minister. By the time of the July 1995 leadership challenge only the Daily Express backed John Major solidly, while the Sun, the Mail, The Times and the Telegraph all argued that it was time for him to be replaced10, an embarrassment for their leader writers given the outcome. The question, in the long run-up to the election, was whether the Tory press would return home, once the future of the Conservative government was under real threat. In the event, the 1997 election represents a historic watershed. In a major break with tradition, six out of ten national dailies, and five out of nine Sundays, endorsed the Labour party in their final editorials (see Table 1). This was twice the highest number previously, and it reversed the long-standing pro-Conservative leanings in the national press. With impeccable timing, the Sun led the way on the first day of the campaign, (THE SUN BACKS BLAIR), with a frontpage claiming Blair is a â€Å"breath of fresh air† while the Conservatives were â€Å"tired, divided and rudderless†, and its defection stole the headlines and damaged Tory morale. This change of heart came after assiduous efforts by Labour to court press support, including meetings between Blair and Rupert Murdoch, especially Blair’s visit to Australia in 1995. roughout the campaign the Sun, with ten million readers a day, provided largely unswerving support for Blair, although opposing Labour policy on Europe and the unions, and many commentators predicted that the switch, based on Murdoch’s commercial considerations rather than political affinities, would not last long11. Labour’s traditional tabloid, the Daily Mirror, with six million readers, continued its brand of centre-left journalism (â€Å"the paper for Labour’s TRUE su pporters†). On the last Sunday of the campaign, influenced by Murdoch, The News of the World decided to follow the lead of its sister paper, the Sun, and backed Labour. Among the broadsheets The Guardian called for tactical voting for the Liberal Democrats in seats where it made sense, but broadly endorsed Labour. The Independent was more restrained in its backing, casting its editorial vote for Labour â€Å"with a degree of optimism that is not entirely justified by the evidence†. The paper was clearly more anti-Tory than pro-anything. The Times advised their readers to back Eurosceptic candidates from whatever party, although, in practice, nearly all were Conservatives. Only leads in the Daily Telegraph, and the Daily Mail (â€Å"Labour bully boys are back† â€Å"Labour’s broken promises†) remained strongly in the Tory camp. Even the Daily Express was more neutral than in the past: a double-page spread was divided between Lord Hollick, its chief executive, arguing for Labour and its chairman, Lord Stevens, arguing for the Conservatives. The front-page of the election-eve Mail carried a colourful Union Jack border and the apocalyptic warning that a Labour victory could â€Å"undo 1,000 years of our nation’s history†. Yet any comparison of editorial policy probably under-estimates the balance of partisanship in news coverage during the overall campaign. For example, the Mail ostensibly endorsed the Conservatives during the campaign, but in practice it probably deeply damaged the government by headlining sexual scandals in the party, and reinforcing images of disunity with leading articles highlighting the number of Tory Eurosceptics. With friends like this, the Conservatives did not need opponents. To understand this we need to go beyond the leaders, which are rarely read, and even less heeded, to examine the broader pattern of front-page stories. The most plausible evidence for dealignment is that certain papers like the Sun, traditionally pro-Conservative, switched camps, but also that front-page stories were often so similar across all the press, driven by news values irrespective of the paper’s ostensible partisanship. Since the early 1970s fierce competition for readers has encouraged far more sensational coverage in the popular press, fuelling an endless diet of stories about ‘scandals’, (mostly sexual but also financial), infotainment, and the Royals, preferably all three. This process started when Rupert Murdoch bought the News of the World in 1968, and the Sun a year later. It accelerated in the cut-throat competition produced by the launch of the Daily Star in 1978, which sought to out-do the Sun in its relentless search for sex, investigative ‘exclusives’ about celebrities, violent crime, and graphic coverage of the bizzare. Those who thought British newspapers had reached their nadir at this point had under-estimated the soft-porn Sunday Sport, launched in 198612. The tackiness of the popular press, such as their exhaustive gossip about the goings-on of the younger Royals, gradually infected and corroded the news culture of the broadsheets as well. By the mid-1990s, the journalism of scandal trumped party loyalties, hands down. This fuelled the series of sleaze stories about senior Conservative politicians hroughout John Major’s years in government, and there was no let-up during the campaign. As documented in detail later, the first two weeks of the election were dominated by a succession of stories about corruption in public life and sexual ‘scandals’, providing a steady diet of negative news for the government which swamped their message about the economy. How to cite The Battle for the Campaign Agenda in Britain, Essay examples

When World War I Ended On November 11, 1918, Peace Talks Went On Essay

When World War I ended on November 11, 1918, peace talks went on for months due to the Allied leaders wanting to punish the enemy and dividing the spoils of war. A formal agreement to end the war was made and called the Treaty of Versailles. The issue that took the most time were the territorial issues because the empires of Russia, Austria-Hungary, the Ottoman, and Germany had collapsed. These fallen empires had to be divided up and Americas President Woodrow Wilson, Georges Clemenceau of France, Vittorio Orlando of Italy, and David Lloyd George of Great Britain, were the main deciders of this deal. During 1918, Russia was knocked out of the war due to military defeats and the Bolshevik Revolution. Even though Russia had not been part of the Central Powers, Germany seized much of western Russia. After many months of arguing, the four men had made western Russia into the nations of Finland, Latvia, Lithuania, Estonia, and Poland. The Treaty of Versailles was either a treaty of peace or a vengeance for the Germans. In April of 1919, Germany was previously captured and made to wait in a small house that was surrounded with barbed wire. The Allied, who captured Germany, wanted to make a peace treaty to end the fighting. The Germans agreed, but they wanted a treaty that was based on the Fourteen Points but obviously they were not going to get it because of the way they were treated; the barbed wire was unnecessary and should have tipped them off to what lay ahead. When the treaty was first introduced to the Germans, they declined to sign it. It forced the Germans to accept full responsibility for the war and strip themselves of its colonies, coal fields, and the provinces of Alsace and Lorraine. It also made them pay outrageous reparations to the Allies. Nevertheless, on June 28, 1919, the Germans reluctantly signed the treaty because the Allies refused to change one word. Out of the $33 billion dollars the Germans had to pay for damages, the country was only able to pay $4.5 billion of it. The terms of the Treaty of Versailles helped set the stage for another world war less than 20 years later because the Allied wanted to stop Germany from ever becoming imperialistic again and still have them pay the war reparations. Germany opposed these actions and was the most effected by the terms of the Versailles Treaty. Germany got the blunt end of the war and was desperate to find a new leader to get out of their depression. That leader was Adolf Hitler. World War I was won by the Allied in which a formal agreement was made called the Versailles Treaty. It both brought peace and war in the coming years. Due to the harsh life styles it forced Germany to live, World War II broke out within twenty years time from the treaty.

Derivative Trades Essay

Derivative Trades Essay Derivative Trades Essay Futures trades Crude Oil (Brent) 04/08/2011 Why did you enter the trade (what were your expectations?) â€Å"Libya burns, Japan shakes, Nigeria's nervous, Portugal bails, Bahrain bubbles and now China troubles. Do you need any more reasons for oil to go higher?† (Flynn, 2011, para. 1). Having read an article that suggested increase in the price of oil, I decided to set up a bull calendar spread. How did you set up the trade and how did the execution proceed? I executed a market order to buy two contracts of IBK11 - Crude Oil (Brent) MAY 2011. As for the short leg of the spread, I set up a contingent order upon USO price. If the USO price drops below $44.5, the order to sell two Crude Oil (Brent) JUL 2011 contracts will be executed, resulting in bull calendar spread. On 4/11 USO dropped below $44.5, and as a result contingent order was executed. How did you manage the risk of the position? To lower the risk of the position I set up a bull spread, instead of taking a naked long futures position. Bull spread reduced the risk of a larger-than-expected loss in case the price of oil would decrease. In addition, calendar spread required much lower margin compared to the naked position. How and when did you exit your position? Were your expectations realized? My expectations were not realized as oil price plunged on 4/11. I decided to exit my positions via market order on 04/14/2011 by taking opposite positions in the same contracts. Contingent order to sell two JUL 2011 limited a loss to $1,726.32. Crude Oil 02/22/2011 Why did you enter

The Governments Role in the Economy

The Government's Role in the Economy In the narrowest sense, the governments involvement in the economy is to help correct market failures or situations in which private markets cannot maximize the value that they could create for society.  This includes providing public goods, internalizing externalities (consequences of economic activities on unrelated third parties), and enforcing competition.  That being said, many societies have accepted a broader involvement of government in a capitalist economy. While consumers and producers make most of the decisions that mold the economy, government activities have a powerful effect on the U.S. economy in several areas. Promoting Stabilization and Growth Perhaps most important, the federal government guides the overall pace of economic activity, attempting to maintain steady growth, high levels of employment, and price stability. By adjusting spending and tax rates (known as fiscal policy) or managing the money supply and controlling the use of credit (known as monetary policy), it can slow down or speed up the economys rate of growth and, in the process, affect the level of prices and employment. For many years following the Great Depression of the 1930s, recessions- periods of slow economic growth and high unemployment often defined as two consecutive quarters of decline in the gross domestic product, or GDP- were viewed as the greatest of economic threats. When the danger of recession appeared most serious, the government sought to strengthen the economy by spending heavily itself or by cutting taxes so that consumers would spend more, and by fostering rapid growth in the money supply, which also encouraged more spending. In the 1970s, major price increases, particularly for energy, created a strong fear of inflation, which is an increase in the overall level of prices. As a result, government leaders came to concentrate more on controlling inflation than on combating recession by limiting spending, resisting tax cuts, and reining in growth in the money supply. A New Plan for Stabilizing the Economy Ideas about the best tools for stabilizing the economy changed substantially between the 1960s and the 1990s. In the 1960s, the government had great faith in fiscal policy, or the manipulation of government revenues to influence the economy. Since spending and taxes are controlled by the president and the Congress, these elected officials played a leading role in directing the economy. A period of high inflation, high unemployment, and huge government deficits weakened confidence in fiscal policy as a tool for regulating the overall pace of economic activity. Instead, monetary policy- controlling the nations money supply through such devices as interest rates- assumed a growing involvement. Monetary policy is directed by the nations central bank, known as the Federal Reserve Board, which has considerable independence from the president and the Congress. The Fed was created in 1913 in the belief that centralized, regulated control of the nation’s monetary system would help alleviate or prevent financial crises such as the  Panic of 1907, which started with a failed attempt to corner the market on the stock of the United Copper Co. and triggered a run on bank withdrawals and the bankruptcy of financial institutions nationwide. Source Conte, Christopher and Albert Karr.  Outline of the U.S. Economy. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Dept. of State.

Impacts of Media Globalization in America Essay

Impacts of Media Globalization in America - Essay Example It is due to this support that the impacts of media globalization have been inevitable. The constituent view of which media globalization extended its effect from seamless imperialism to increasing cultural, economic, and national identity is duly undeniable (Barlow, & Mills, 2009:57). Well, while there is lack of consensus as to whether media globalization is a vital concept to portray national identity, let us focus on growing interdependence between media and all other key players in a country’s globalization. Recently, because of expansion of modernization of media globalization on a national scale, growth at cultural, political, and social levels is changing the national identity making the study of media globalization an important topic of study in communication. Media globalization is a result of new and advanced mass media and communication technology. It is also a prerequisite and a catalyst for all other forms of national globalization. Most Americans express a feeli ng that, they ought to enjoy the benefits of media globalization like global communication, rather than terrifying and attempting to evade the consequences that ironically include deterrence to freedom of expression and speech. Media globalization impacts will never cease. ... Mobile technology in this case is serving a great deal in moving the nation’s economy while reducing the cost of mobility and time at the same time. Media globalization has seen people use internet to improve their health or save lives. For example, a doctor in USA is able to send an x-ray to another more senior doctor in China or India for a second opinion and have it within a matter of hours. Therefore, media globalization is advancing health standards of American citizens. Increased global media interactions in America has and will continue assisting millions of American citizens to use Windows-powered PC in becoming authors of their own content in digital form meaning that they can share content widely and in far distances. Therefore, it is evident that media has the power to cross and bridge cultural gaps, bring people closer to one another and generally make our lives more convenient like never before. The presence of worldwide web provides us with endless quantities of information, knowledge, and ability to receive insights. Not before, accessing information readily does not imply that we are best informed! Media globalization has indeed positively influenced America as it has aided production and distribution. The rise of global media witnessed the formation of transnational corporations that led to effective cost and lucrative market force. This contributed to world trade that created market for media globalization through global capitalism using media to disburse messages to consumers globally. This helped America with money power through media globalization. While the interests of finance, most people regard media globalization in relation to culture and their systems. This has made it possible for United States to export media content

Correlations In research Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words - 1

Correlations In research - Essay Example Depending on the type of the research, the data are later analyzed to draw out provable conclusions. For instance, a research can focus on climate and its effect on agriculture. From the relationship between agricultural productivity and climate, variables can be identified to aid in the process of information collection. In the long run, a relevant hypothesis is then formulated which will be rejected or accepted depending on the outcome of the research. The favorability of climate is inversely proportional to the quality of agricultural productivity in an area. In proving such a hypothesis, some of the most common working definitions are thus listed herein. I. Good climate - a good climate is one which fosters the production of agricultural products. Farming heavily relies on the pattern of rainfall. However, excessive rainfall destroys the crops in the field. The most conducive rainfall pattern, therefore, is one in which it rains moderately. A moderate rainfall is between twenty to sixty millimeters per day. According to this research, a good climate is therefore measured in terms of the volume of rainfall an area receives in a week. An unfavorable climate is characterized by below ten millimeters of rainfall a day. II. Research productivity-The number of researches carried out in an area defines its productivity in terms of contributing to human development. In this context, the productivity is compared on the number of researches that are produced in the region within a period of one year. A bad productivity infers zero to twenty cases within a year. On the other hand, good productivity refers to the production of fifty to one hundred researches per year (Sharon and Anthony 66). Operational definitions make it possible for computation of research variables. Furthermore, the definitions of the conflicting factors make it easier for one to carry an effective research on the issues. The goodness of climate is defined in a manner that enables